Is the Revolution in sight?

Is the Revolution in sight?
looks like the barge may be lifting off a sand bar...

November 28, 2008

"History of Development and Peace at St. Ignatius Loyola Jesuit Parish, Winnipeg" By Andrew W. Taylor



Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace (CCODP or Development and Peace)

The 1960’s was a decade of tumult and excitement among the rank and file of the worldwide Roman Catholic church. This was no less true for small groups of people committed to peace and justice at St. Ignatius of Loyola, Winnipeg. The second Vatican council had followed Pope John XXIII’s suggestion to “open the windows” of what had long been a rather insular fortress-model of the Church of Christ. With the Second Vatican Council under the pontificate of John XXIII and then following his death, concluded under the pontificate of Pope Paul VI, there was an opening to the hitherto suspected theologies of Henri de Lubac, s.j., Karl Rahner, s.j. The keynote of Rahner’s theology, that authentic faith could be present among the adherents of the other great world religions as an unthematic openness to the divine, created a new way for Christians to accompany and have fellowship with those who did not share a thematic faith in Jesus Christ as the unique centre of God’s purpose for the life of the world. De Lubac had devoted his scholarship to the concept of the corporate destiny of all humankind in the unity of the Mystical Body of Christ. The Documents of The Vatican Council, and in particular “The Pastoral Constitution of the Church in the Modern World” emphasised the interpenetration and unity of the spheres of Nature and Grace, facilitating common action for human development between Catholics and all persons of good will.

In addition to these theologies, the 1960’s saw the beginnings of Liberation Theology, a praxis-based theology that undertook action in the practice of justice followed by reflection within a circular method of Christian social-redemption. The progressive theologies coming to the fore in the Catholic Church in the 1960’s shared a conviction that God’s grace was truly universal, and graciously present wherever people were striving for the just and good, and were attempting to liberate themselves by building a society of participation. The CELAM (Conselho Episcopal Latino Americano - Latin American Episcopal Conference), founded in 1955, influenced the Second Vatican Council toward a more socially oriented understanding of salvation. In Latin America as well as other locales “base communities” were forming with the radical perspective to see the world solely from the eyes of the poor and oppressed. CELAM prepared the 1968 Medellin Conference, in Colombia, supporting "base ecclesial communities" and the Liberation theology worldview of “the preferential option for the poor” (The phrase “option for the poor” was coined by Fr. Pedro Arrupe S.J. in 1968 in a letter addressing the Jesuits of Latin America, and was elaborated by the Dominican, Gustavo Gutierrez in his book, A Theology of Liberation) The preferential option for the poor remains a divisive point in the Church, though it is contained in a number of ecclesial documents. After initially rejecting the insights of Marx in many of the liberation theology documents, the Vatican and other Church authorities moved in the 1980s, 1990s, and this decade to attempt a more nuanced view, rejecting the inadequacy of the Marxist project as an ultimate prescription due to its atheism, but praising Marx’s analysis of capitalist society and allowing a certain understanding of Liberation Theology's "preferential option for the poor". Pope John Paul II’s Laborem Exercens, (written during the Solidarnosc led Polish resistance) explicitly adopted a worker-based critique of capitalism and statist socialism: the Pope argued that due to their dignity as children of God, persons are created to be responsible agents or “subjects” within society. Workers are to be co-owners of what they produce, and are to share through their trade unions in decision-making concerning their conditions of labour. (Encyclical on Human Work, His Holiness Pope John Paul II, September 14, 1981/ on the Ninetieth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum)

1967-8 was a catalyst period of mass-enthusiasms, theological milestones, great hopes, and social revolts, including the Prague Spring and its bitter demise beneath the treads of Soviet tanks, the election of US President Richard M. Nixon and with it the escalation of the Vietnam War, the Paris mass-strikes, and at home, Expo 67-euphoria and “Trudeau-mania”. In the Catholic Church, Rubem Alves wrote Towards A Theology of Liberation in 1968. In 1967 Pope Paul’s important social encyclical, Populorum progressio was issued. (Encyclical of Pope Paul VI, On The Development of Peoples, March 26, 1967) The Pope suggested that development was the new word for peace, that in order to be true to the mission of their divine founder, Catholics must attack the sources of injustice in the real world of the economy and politics and “the imperialism of money”. One famous American corporate-newspaper described the encyclical as “pop Marxism,” but the resources for the church’s teaching reached back far deeper than Marx, and ultimately resided in her faith in the dignity of all human life, and the power of the Resurrection to elevate and unite all creation.

Winnipeg itself had long been very much a class and race-divided city, and subsequently an outpost for radical politics and projects in development. The people of Winnipeg had elected to city council, as well as to the school board and the provincial and federal Parliaments, representatives from the CCF / NDP as well as The Communist Party of Canada. While the church had always condemned revolutionary socialism and occasionally even discouraged participation in social democracy, with the 1960’s some of the movements that had once been dismissed and feared were being listened to and constructively critiqued for what they might teach Catholics.

Rev. Fr. Folio came to St. Ignatius at the end of the 60’s with a great passion for social justice and Third World development. His support was pivotal in permitting lay leaders such as Mary and Ted Kiernan, Eva Roziere, Chris Graham, and others to offer their gifts in the new parish group for development and peace. In 1985 Andre and Bea Goussaert joined the parish and have been stalwarts of D & P on local and national levels. These pioneers in social development are responsible for the present status of Development and Peace at the parochial and national council levels, and we truly stand on their shoulders. In his early years Fr. Folio’s perspective on the Gospel was not always unanimously shared at St. Ignatius. He urged the use of credit unions rather than banks and was critical of Cargill Corporation’s agriculture policies. The Canadian bishops and pastors often faced resistance in these years from persons who expected the church to support the status quo. And yet due to the new tenor of the social teaching of the church and the overall mood of the times, the church in this early period was at least somewhat tolerant of Development and Peace and its critique of society. Fr. Folio’s 15 years at St. Ignatius provided a solid basis for Development and Peace in the parish. Since his ministry as parish priest at St. Ignatius our pastors have been supportive of Development and Peace.


The Development and Peace work at St. Ignatius has focused on both local as well as global initiatives. Over the years the social faith and justice movement has organized in a number of forms: the Third World Concerns Group, the Peace Group, in addition to the Development and Peace Committee. A major task of the D&P committee is to foster local solidarity for initiatives around the world. This solidarity is celebrated and encouraged through the fall education campaigns for action, and then support is expressed through donations during the Share Lent campaign.


The Third World concerns Group, formed in 1976, was a member group of CCODP. The group met to raise funds for third world projects and to educate the parish about third world needs. "As ye do unto the least of your brothers, so ye do unto me.": these words of Jesus in Matt. 25:40 were determinative in forming the faith-values of group-members. The goal was to promote social justice through popular education. The group did not have high expectations. They realized they were involved in a struggle with the values of dominant society. They tried to present their message in a way that was non-threatening, and non¬-coercive – and to draw the messages from the head down to the heart. Members also aimed to become socially just in their personal lives.
Every 3 weeks from September through June they met in the Administration Centre with an average attendance of 12, though the total membership was 20. The group tended to draw its members from the younger age group, but there was a healthy mix of ages. About 80% were women. Meetings were not highly structured with decisions made by consensus. Eventually, meetings included sharing, prayer, and reflection, lasting 2 - 2-1/2 hours.
The Fall Action campaign took place on the second Sunday in December. The Share Lent program included fundraising, Stations of the Cross, Solidarity Sunday, and speakers. The group had a mandate to raise funds, issued by the bishops in 1967. Eva Roziere recalled that in an early year, about 16 members wrote cards to prisoners of Apartheid in South Africa. A decade later, Solidarity Sunday 1988 reminded members that the earth can feed all God’s children. They also participated in the Free Trade debate, offered support to refugees, and sent letters to the government regarding the threat of a US invasion of Nicaragua. In the fall there was a prayer vigil for South Africa, a campaign of letter to the Canadian Government to protest the violation of human rights in South Africa, and a Tools for Peace campaign for Nicaragua. We now take it for granted that the Apartheid regime fell and Nelson Mandela was released and elected President, but we forget that it was through the concerted pressure and prayers of internal and international collectivities like that at St. Ignatius that the dictatorship collapsed and was swept into the trashcan of history.
In 1989 the grade 6 class sold trivets for Share Lent, and former member of parliament Fr. Bob Ogle spoke at The Hunger Meal about Christians being more responsible for the Third World. That meant being more aware, planning for a future for the good of all, being aware of famine, foreign debt, pollution, war, population, etc. Participation in the CCODP provided members a way of putting their faith into practice.

The Fall Education/Action campaigns over the years have addressed a whole range of issues. In 1998 Members took up the campaign of Jubilee 2000. That was the call for debt relief to create a debt-free start to the new millennium for the world’s most impoverished nations. The goal was to present a petition to the G-8 summit in June 1999, Cologne, Germany. At St. Ignatius 1,100 people signed the petition. This was followed by the Parish Annual Meeting focus on social justice and a special presentation on the subject of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment in January 1999. In 2000 they launched a 3 year focus on “Equitable and Sustainable Economy”: the slogan drew on the equality of God’s children in the Creation: “The earth is for all – not for sale!” This provided education on the global economy and how it affects the majority of the world’s people. In 2001, continuing with the theme of “the earth is for all” D&P learned about biotechnology and its implications for the food we eat and food in the poorest countries. In the summer of 2002 a group went to El Salvador on an exposure trip to visit D&P partners and the El Sitio School supported by St. Ignatius. The petition cards in that year were addressed to the Prime Minister and protested corporations from patenting seeds and life forms.
“Water: Life before profit” became the slogan of the campaign in 2003. The education focused on issues of water, and took action to challenge the specious ‘right’ of corporations to privatize and control water, an essential element for life. Parishioners at St. Ignatius signed cards declaring that water is a basic human right and not a commodity on the market. Again in 2004, parishioners signed on to the Water: Life before profit campaign. In 2005 the cards petitioned the Canadian government to ensure access to clean water for all, now and for future generations.
Just mining practices was the subject of the campaign in 2006. D&P provided information and collected 651 signatures asking government to refuse support to mining companies that do not respect international environmental and human rights standards. In 2007 there was more information on mining and the petition cards asked the government to establish an office of an ombudsperson for mining.

Whereas D&P’s fall campaign focuses on education and action, the Share Lent campaign is about raising funds and awareness, with a special Solidarity Sunday. In 1987 the focus was on solidarity with 3rd world. In 1997 D&P led The Way of the Cross during Lent with the theme: “people first.” It was an affirmation of the Gospel values of people over profits and the dignity of the human person. In 1998 St. Ignatius sent $10,232 to D&P national. In 1999 there was a speaker from Peru during Lent, in support of release of political prisoners there, support of the women and children, through communal kitchens, milk programs, pressure to forgive the debt in order to give development a chance. D&P collected $11,423 at St. Ignatius.
In 2000 “active solidarity” became the new name for charity. John Paul II spoke of “the social face of love”. After Hurricane Mitch, D&P sent help to Honduras; D&P were partners in the reconstruction of the disaster area in Central America. D&P also reacted quickly in the war in Kosovo, the earthquake in Turkey, and to the state-brutality in East Timor after their referendum. St. Ignatius gave $15,808 in addition to $2,340 for Mozambique. In 2001 the parish rallied to donate well beyond the Share Lent campaign once again. In addition to the Lent collection of $15,117, there were special donations for earthquake victims in El Salvador $9,509, and in India $1,545.
This generosity continued in the following years. In 2002 the Share Lent offering reached $17,160. In 2003 Andre Goussaert reported in the parish newsletter that D&P sent out a Call for Peacemaking, urging Canadians to support a Caritas Internationalis appeal for a diplomatic and political solution to the Iraq crisis. The initial invasion of Iraq from March 19 to May 1, 2003, was spearheaded by the United States. The millions in the streets of the world were not able to deter the American administration’s resolve. In 2004 St. Ignatius donated $21,681 during Share Lent. In 2005 the Tsunami in Asia elicited a response from the rest of the world and from St. Ignatius. The February newsletter reported that D&P partners in Asia were able to respond on the same day. St. Ignatius donated more than $20,000 for the provisioning of victims and for rebuilding. In 2006 Share Lent drew $20,000 from the parish.
D&P celebrated its 40th anniversary in 2007. It was also the 40th anniversary of the great Social Teaching Encyclical of the modern period, Populorum Progressio. People were invited to Micah House Share Lent Workshop – 40th anniversary of D&P Articles in newsletter informed about D&P work over the years, and invited people to became members of “Share Year Round” and gave D&P website for more information. Very often, we lapse into thinking in secularist categories that reduce the reality of our work for justice and peace, in fact by our membership in Development and Peace, we are drawn deeper and deeper into the heart of “the Whole Christ, head and members”.

There is a phenomenon in ginger-groups in the Church and other fraternities: the work tends to devolve into few hands. This pattern has not been overturned in the history of D & P at St. Ignatius; by 1997 the group number had been reduced to about 6 people on the committee.


Conclusion:

The material conditions and spiritual currents prevailing in the Church and the world have changed since the late 1960’s when St Ignatius’ D & P group had its initial stirrings. The Catholic Church worldwide of the late 60s and early 70s was undergoing a sociological, ideological and liturgical renversement as a consequence of the ways in which the Second Vatican Council was being implemented at all levels. This era represented the beginning of a period of optimism about self-actualization. It was an era of spirits: of the Psychedelic Age, of enhanced consciousness, of the good society proclaimed by the New Left, and of growing prosperity for many, and with that, increasing levels of consumption and credit. It was the age of The Cold War when the Allies who had together defeated Hitler were locked into two hostile ideologically opposed Camps. The baby-boomer generation grew up in this period, suspecting that the M.A.D. doctrine would end in a nuclear war and winter. Social philosopher Christopher Lasch called the succeeding period – the 1970s – “the me generation”. The social conscience was eclipsed in part by the retreat from 60s simplicity and openness into seeking completion in commodities, the collective state, and selfishness. But the 80’s and 90s also saw the birth of a free S. Africa, the collapse of The Berlin Wall in 1989, and the end of the Cold War. Two wars in Iraq have followed – with 9/11 as a marker between them -- and we debate the meanings of the phenomena of terrorism and “pre-emptive war”, as we face the reality of ecological damage to ‘this fragile earth, our island home’.

Through all the changes and chances of this perilous life, Development and Peace has attempted to faithfully respond to the call to solidarity and sharing, a sharing that knows no frontier and is rooted in the Lord Jesus Christ, “that, though he was rich, yet for your sakes he became poor, that you through his poverty might become rich”


APPENDIX
The Peace Group
Began in 1980-81 – a faith-based response to the nuclear threat.
I. ORIGINS AND PURPOSE
Peace group originated in 1980-81 as a response to concern about the nuclear threat. This concern was catalyzed by the Helen Caldicott film, "If You Love This Planet." It was the age of massive escalation of the nuclear arsenal by Reagan’s administration, of the Greenham Common womens’ protest of the UK government’s housing of US Cruise Missiles, and of the giant Peace Marches throughout Europe and the Americas. Many activities which had been organized to oppose the nuclear threat lacked a basis in faith in God. The need to have an explicit orientation in faith prompted Fr. McGrath to organize the Peace Group. Originally the group had 7-8 members who focused on the nuclear issue through prayer and discussion. The focus of the group evolved over time into a search for inner peace and. a lack of fear.

The goals of the Peace Group were to facilitate personal growth and development through learning to share, to be open, and to trust in the group. Their motto was, "There's no peace in that group!" Meetings were held Wednesday evenings at Abba House and duration varied widely: meetings lasted anywhere from 1-1/2 hours to 5 or 6 hours. Usually 4-6 people attend meetings. All are parishioners. Most were women.
Meetings were informal. They included meditation, reflection, and the discussion of personal and peace related issues, the sharing of dreams, and mutual support. Decisions affecting the group are made by consensus.

Other than meetings there were conferences, retreats, pickets and demonstrations, sponsorship of the World Congress on Communication for Development Peace March, a founding membership of WCCD, and the donation of time to Project Peacemakers and Witness for Peace.

The Peace Group sponsored the Easter Fast and Vigil for peace. Members served as a valuable resource in the parish and city as a knowledgeable resource on disarmament issues. They give seminars and lectures on peace related issues at various locations around the city. The Group sponsored and supported a number of local and national peace related petitions and initiatives, such as their October 1987 Novena for peace when about 25 people joined at 7:45 to pray the Rosary for world peace. Through their efforts and experiences Peace Group Members report learning to be sensitive to both their own needs and to those of others, as well as to learn the value of suffering.

Much of the information about D&P from 1997 to 2008 comes from articles prepared by Andre Goussaert once or twice a year for the Parish news letter. In these articles he reported on the work of D&P around the world, how the donations of Canadian Catholics have been used to support partners in places of need – creating solidarity between Christians in Canada and people around the world in need. This helps to meet the objectives of the Canadian Catholic Bishops when they established D&P in 1967: to make us aware that many people are deprived of the most basic rights to sustain human life and to provide for us ways and means to make our world better.

"Prospects for the European Left: A Peak at the Electoral Situation" by Daniel Skidmore-Hess

Daniel Skidmore-Hess

Over a quarter century has passed since the social democratic left appeared to be in any position to make a fundamental break with capitalism. By 1983, the French Socialist Party (PSF) had clearly accepted the “necessity” of fiscal discipline and campaign rhetoric concerning a “rupture” with the logic of capital was no longer heard. By then, the efforts of Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) to actualize worker self-management through the practical proposals embodied in the Meidner Plan had faltered as well. Within the decade, the “actually existing socialism” in Eastern Europe began to crumble and the transition that followed was not the gradual reform of state socialism for which some had hoped. Instead, a rapid and socially dislocating switch to market economics ensued.

At this time, there is no social democratic movement that gives lip service, let alone concretely seeks to transform an advanced capitalist society in the direction of democratic socialism. The combination of ideological exhaustion and capitalist globalization has left all social democratic parties explicitly within the center of the political spectrum. Indeed, in some instances the more spirited social liberal parties are now clearly to the left of their social democratic rivals, especially when one factors in such issues as the Iraq war, ecology, immigration, and LGBT liberation. (examples: Denmark: RV now left of SD, & UK Lib Dems vs. Labour)
Social democracy can then no longer be confused with democratic socialism. The mainstream social democratic, labor, and socialist parties of Europe are now conservative factors in European politics, mainly concerned with managing and preserving the welfare state. Yet socialist parliamentary groupings to the left of the mainstream social democrats also remain a commonplace in European politics. These parties represent a variety of Old Left communist parties, New Left often green-oriented movements, and various combinations thereof. They are electorally successful to a point, yet with the sole exception of the Progress Party of the Working People of Cyprus, none is in position to form or lead a government, in contrast to their centrist social democratic rivals. These parties, unlike their social democratic rivals, remain committed in principle to a transformational Left politics. IN effect, all are pursuing an approach akin to the classical, pre-Leninist Marxism of the Second International’s SPD, that is to say engaging in electoral politics, although their specific understandings of the value and purpose of parliamentary politics may vary.

In Cyprus, the Progress Party received over 30% of the vote in the 2006 elections and is the leading party in the current government. Elsewhere, the Socialist People’s Party in Denmark (13%), the Left-Green Movement in Iceland (14.3%), the Socialist Party in the Netherlands (16.6%) and the Communist Party of the Czech Republic (12.8%) all received above a tenth of the vote, each of these parties is in opposition. In Denmark, the Red-Green Unity List (2.2%) adds a further measure to the Left. In Greece and Portugal the combined vote of “transformational left” factions exceeds ten percent; for Greece the Communist Party (8.2%) plus the Coalition of the Radical Left (5.0%) and for Portugal the Communist Party/Greens (7.6%) and the Left Bloc (6.4%). These parties are all in opposition as well. Additional parliamentary representation, with single digit popular support, may be found in the EU Parliament, Spain, Finland, Sweden, France, Switzerland, Germany, Ireland, Norway, San Marino, Ukraine, Serbia, and the UK. In Italy, Luxembourg, and Austria the Left polled 1.0-03.1% of the vote, but failed to gain a parliamentary representative.

Given the lessons of history, we can expect that but few of these parties will rise to power & those that do will likely be absorbed into the political fabric of late capitalist Europe much as their social democratic forerunners. Given this, what progressive reforms are may they most plausibly achieve? How may they best resist or even seek to alter the processes of globalization?

OBSERVE OR INTERVENE: WHAT IS THE ROLE OF LABOUR?


By Sam Hammond, chair of the Central Trade Union Commission, Communist Party of Canada

In the World Trade Organization, from the very beginning the world's largest banks, insurance companies and financial institutions based in the imperialist countries have ruled the roost and bullied acceptance of their neo-liberal global agenda. Wearing silk suits and carrying battle maces, their lobbyists have blackmailed and threatened developing countries and junior imperialist supplicants like Canada into acceptance of the myth that their General Agreement on Trade In Services (GATS) and General Agreement on Trade & Tariffs (GATT) are beneficial to them. This spawned NAFTA and threw away the Auto Pact, amongst other deep penetrations and acquisitions of our economy. It was and is the basis of the destruction of our manufacturing base and the transition to a supplier of cheap energy and resources, the export of jobs, attacks on public social programs, falling wages and general impoverishment of very large sections of the Canadian working class.

But the worst is yet to come, as these policies of deregulation and unfettered flow of capital impact internationally and sharpen the traditional antagonistic contradictions of capitalism. As millions starve and more millions totter on the brink, as pension funds bleed billions in losses and people watch their quality of life and their jobs disappear, where are the perpetrators of this calamity?

They are sitting in their offices, waiting for government bail-out cheques, money ripped from our wages, pensions or social assistance, to purchase their failed assets. They will receive hard cash for worthless paper, which we now must work for the next generation or so to give value to so they can steal it again. We have purchased their deregulated crimes with the future of our children.

The wordsmiths of barbarity and exploitation have re-christened us as "collateral damage". Under-utilized as the identifier of a few thousand murdered civilians, this cute literary phrase now develops its full potential as the moniker of the entire global non-capitalist population. But the movers and shakers of the WTO, GATS, GATT and the World Bank have not gone to confession, because they do not admit their sins.

Consider this quote from a Briefing Paper authoured by Ellen Gould for the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA): "Former advocates of deregulation are conceding that given the severity of the sub prime crisis, new regulations will have to be imposed on the financial industry. But even as these regulations are being drafted, a deregulation agenda is being advanced at the World Trade Organization... Governments are under pressure to remove conditions on foreign entry into their financial markets and to impose `disciplines' on their regulations."

The cat is out of the bag, the wolves will remain wolves. But will the people of the world willingly remain at the bottom of the food chain? Not according to the people of Latin America, but more on that later.

The auto companies globally are symptomatic of the problems of imperialist rivalry, mutual corporate plunder, super-exploitation, migration of capital and relative over-production. In other words, a deregulated Shangri-la that they have turned into a dangerous vehicle of ruin. They are also big bankers (GMAC, Ford Motor Credit and Chrysler Financial) who deal in auto loans and leasing the way other bankers and speculators deal in home mortgages.

Japan, the United States and China are the three largest auto producers in the world (in that order), and Canada is ninth. There were 73 million vehicles produced globally in 2007 (2.6 million in Canada). Through their financial institutions, the auto makers still own a large percentage of the vehicles which they have out on lease. As people default on leases or auto payments, the cash flow dries up, and the same financial crisis develops that we see in mortgages, for the same reasons.

Of the $700 billion bail-out package approved by the U.S. government to buy debt with public funds, $25 billion is slated to the auto companies, but not one penny to an unemployed auto worker.

To add insult to injury, GM has requested an additional low interest loan of $10 billion from the Feds, to justify a bank loan of another $10 billion. For what purpose? So they can purchase Chrysler LLC, rationalize production with plant closures and layoffs, and service a shrinking market with one less competitor. This has another inverted twist: Chrysler is owned by Cerberus Capital Management, which also owns 59% of GMAC. If this isn't financial incest, what is?

There are comparable bail-outs in Canada. Despite the crisis in manufacturing - auto in particular - and despite our own slight-of-hand artists and the global-U.S. spillover, our "deeply integrated" Harperites are in a state of blissful tranquility, oblivious to the suffering around them.

It is increasingly necessary for our social justice movements and Labour to react to this crisis and find new methods of resistance to protect the Canadian working people. We have the analysis, and we know the cause and effect. The question is what to do.

The Canadian Labour Congress made a strong statement on the crisis before the end of the federal election. Then on Oct. 21, a press release headed "Labour Leaders Demand a Say in Federal Economic Plan" was published from a meeting of the CLC Executive Council, which includes the country's largest unions along with provincial federations, the Quebec Federation of Labour and territorial federations, but unfortunately not the CNTU.

The release (see page 7 for more) contained some useful material, some rather sharp finger-pointing and a demand for an immediate meeting with Harper before the upcoming international summits. Other demands made it clear labour wants to be included and consulted on measures to protect private pensions, expand public pensions, make Employment Insurance available to laid off workers, and cap executive compensation.

This is good, but also in the release were some rather strange twists. Ken Georgetti stated that working people "need to know that the people working on solutions to the economic crisis are on their side." Another quote: "At the heart of the Labour plan is economic activism on the governments part through investments in infrastructure, renewable energy and greater energy efficiencies, rebuilding the manufacturing and forestry sectors, and reforms to employment and labour laws." And another: "Working people know there will be sacrifices. They should not be expected to make them all, or any for that matter without consultation."

The labour demands are just and minimal. There is a problem in perception when the expression "on their side" is thrown in as a qualifier. Are these brothers and sisters serious? That will only happen when we have a socialist government, because that is the measuring stick of which class is in power. We should be prepared to force reforms whether they are on our side or not, no peace without justice.

The second quote on investing in infrastructure, etc., with the exception of "reforms to employment and labour laws," could be lifted out of any corporate demand for handouts. It is unreasonable to demand public investment without public control and ownership. Labour must sharpen up its agenda and put our interests at the top. Why say "working people know there will be sacrifices" in the future tense, when we have been hemorrhaging for years? Who gave permission to the CLC to advise that we would make some sacrifices if we are consulted?

Perhaps the labour leaders of Canada could consider something like this: "We warn the Harper minority government that the organized working class will not be pushed another step backward and we will not pay the cost of the neo-liberal corporate-created crisis. We are prepared to organize resistance in defense of our people, our sovereignty, our social programs and all our hard won gains in unity with all democratic Canadians. We demand employment, housing and access to the wealth of our country under public ownership and control. We demand just settlement with Aboriginal people. We demand withdrawal from Afghanistan and Haiti and investment of the military expenditures on rebuilding our infrastructure and manufacturing base."

Labour must be prepared to sound the alarms and champion a people's response to the crisis. There must be a sense of emergency that will recruit the social justice movements, the Aboriginal peoples' organizations, and every labour centre and union in this country, affiliated to the CLC or not. In particular, great pains must be made to form alliances with the CNTU to make a genuine unified response and fightback possible.

We must always remember the legacy of capitalism is to solve crisis on the backs of the working people. Human suffering, the horror of war and the plunder of nations are on the first page of their recipe book. Instead of a descent into barbarity to preserve a social system that has outlived its right to exist, we need peace, justice and socialism.

(The above article is from the November 1-15, 2008, issue of People's Voice, Canada's leading communist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited. Subscription rates in Canada: $25/year, or $12 low income rate; for U.S. readers - $25 US per year; other overseas readers - $25 US or $35 CDN per year. Send to: People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133 Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)

November 27, 2008

Anglo-Catholic Trotskyism?


http://www.anglocatholicsocialism.org/balham.html

In his autobiography I Couldn't Paint Golden Angels, long-time British Anarchist Albert Meltzer writes that the original British "Trots" were made up of "Anglo-Catholic priests" who "called themselves railway clerks, the nearest they could reasonably get to sky pilots." He adds that "Trotskyist histories omit the prefix 'Father' to their names."

How many were actually priests, I don't know. It is true that the nucleus of the tiny Left Opposition group that gathered around tbe "Balham Group" to struggle within the British Communist Party against that party's "absolute submission . . . to Stalin and the rulers of Russia" were veterans of the Railway Clerks' strike of 1925-26. The Catholic Crusade played an important part in that strike, at least four of its supporters (Stewart Purkis, Bill Williams, Ruby Raynor, and Bert Field) being numbered among its most militant leaders. The strike committee met in the lodgings of The Rev. John Groser, leader of the Poplar group of the Crusade.

The acknowledged leader of the Balham group, Reg Groves, had been a supporter of the Catholic Crusade and would go on in later years to write an adulatory biography of Conrad Noel and co-author one of the few histories of the Great Rebellion of 1381 that gives the John Ball and the rebels their due.

Whatever may have been the failings of the "Left Opposition" -- and there were many -- they did speak out "against the destruction of true socialism and communism, and . . . did so when almost everyone else on the Left, especially the intellectuals, remained silent, or cheered on Stalin and the bully boys." We can be proud of the Anglo-Catholics, priests or otherwise, who played even a small part in this (sadly) ineffectual but necessary protest.

November 24, 2008

"Bolivarian Revolution" fed by both Christianity and Marxism (and so am I)


http://redpepper.blogs.com/venezuela/2007/10/venezuelas-comm.html

Jerónimo Carrera, is Chairman of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV)


"There is definitely a revolution going on in Venezuela," Jeronimo Carrera declares. "It's not a bourgeois one, nor is it a proletarian revolution. We think the term "Bolivarian Revolution" is correct, because it's not nationalistic, but it is patriotic and, like the dream of the great Venezuelan patriot of the 19th century, Simon Bolivar, aims to unite the different countries of Latin America."

"It's a revolution influenced by both Christianity and Marxism," he goes on, pointing out that Chavez himself is a committed Christian. "If the Revolution advances towards a socialist society, as for example in Cuba, then we'll continue to back it."

November 23, 2008

Angry Child Poems by Langston Hughes




I am tired of waiting, aren't you
For the world to become good
and beautiful and kind?
Let us take a knife
and cut the world in two
And see what worms are eating at the rind.


Hungry child,

I didn't make this world for you.
You didn't buy any stock in my railroad.
You didn't invest in my corporation.
Where are your shares in standard oil?
I made the world for the rich
And the will-be-rich
And the have-always-been-rich.
Not for you.
Hungry child.
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