Is the Revolution in sight?

Is the Revolution in sight?
looks like the barge may be lifting off a sand bar...

October 11, 2008

German government will follow Britain's government by partially nationalising the Banks.



By Andrew R-Taylor
http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,3706285,00.html

Deutsche Welle Sunday ed. reports that the German government will follow Britain's example by partially nationalising the Banks. According to news reports Germany is preparing a bail-out that permits the re-capitalization of banks with cash injections of between 50 and 100 billion euros.

Today the IMF has warned the capitalist giants in the G-7 of the growing possibility of a global finance "Meltdown." German Banks will be given billions in exchange for ownership-shares in the institution. Furthermore Germany and France have vowed to unite Europe to lead it out of the Crisis.
I can't help but wonder what Walter Ulbricht and Erich Honecker would have to say about this ironical "turn-about-fair-play" of Capitalist collapse. Erich would surely feel that all bets were off until the fat capitalist lady sings, since he had promised: "Neither an ox nor a donkey is able to stop the progress of socialism." (A rhyming couplet in the original German: "Den Sozialismus in seinem Lauf hält weder Ochs noch Esel auf", Berlin, 7 October 1989)

IMF Head says 'The world financial system is teetering on the "brink of systemic meltdown" '




bbc news online
Sat., Oct 11, 08


http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7665515.stm


The world financial system is teetering on the "brink of systemic meltdown", the head of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned in Washington.

Dominique Strauss-Kahn said the crisis was being fanned by fears over debt-ridden banks but added rich nations had so far failed to restore confidence.

He spoke after talks with US President George W Bush, Group of Seven (G7) finance ministers and the World Bank.

Mr Bush said the global economic crisis needed a united international response.

Speaking in the US capital on Saturday, Mr Strauss-Kahn said: "Intensifying solvency concerns about a number of the largest US-based and European financial institutions have pushed the global financial system to the brink of systemic meltdown."

Stopping the rot: Half-measures like recapitalisation will put taxpayers' money at grave risk only option is full nationalisation of failing banks







http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/oct/11/marketturmoil-banking

By Ken Livingstone


I have argued in the Guardian and Socialist Economic Bulletin that the international financial crisis is on such an historic scale that only action that measures up to its colossal proportions has any chance of being effective. Unfortunately, every day confirms this reality. This crisis is rooted in a severe historical overvaluation of assets in the US. As these assets are revalued downwards, to their internationally competitive levels, they destroy the balance sheets of all institutions holding them – as is indeed occurring.

The losses involved in this will be many trillions of dollars: losses on US mortgages are several trillion dollars and losses on US shares are already $8.4tn. All financial institutions that have been significantly linked indirectly to such losses will be overwhelmed by the fallout from this. Compared to the scales of losses, measured in trillions, which are involved in this process the £50bn the British government has proposed to use for the purchase of shares in UK banks is insignificant – it is equivalent to attacking a tank with a machine gun. The bullets will simply bounce off. This sum will be overwhelmed by the downward pressure on asset prices originating in the US and spreading through the world economy. A substantial part of this £50bn of risks being lost.

Indeed, the reason that the government has had to consider making such a capital injection is clear: because private investors will not risk their money in doing so. And they have good reason not to. Those investors who put £12bn into Royal Bank of Scotland and £4bn into HBOS this year have suffered very severe losses.

If it had been the taxpayer that had made this investment, the taxpayer would equally have made such severe losses. The downward movement of asset prices in the US has not yet run its course – that is, asset deflation has not yet ended. Any injection of taxpayers' money into British banks in such a situation runs grave risk of being lost.

However, while it is incapable of affecting the movements of trillions of dollars that are moving the present international financial crisis, that £50bn is a large sum compared to the scale of UK public spending, or the sums that may be needed to protect individual savers. It is therefore essential that this £50bn is not wasted in a bank "recapitalisation" programme, which the basic economic arithmetic shows cannot succeed.

To take an analogy from war, Churchill in 1940 had to take a grave decision for which he is still condemned by many in France. France requested that to attempt to stem the German advance the RAF, including forces vital to the defence of the UK, be totally committed to this battle. If Churchill had taken that decision, the RAF would potentially have suffered such losses it would not have been able to fight the Battle of Britain. Churchill took the strong and vital decision not to do so. It was necessary to prevent the weakening of the RAF in a hopeless battle and conserve its resources to win the decisive Battle of Britain.

That is why £50bn of taxpayers' money must not be committed to a battle to recapitalise banks which involves wholly unacceptable risk. Instead, news published in the Times on Friday evening showed the right way forward: "As the Treasury was set to reveal details of the British bail-out plan, sources at the IMF warned that, if this failed, then the only option would be the wholesale nationalisation of the British banking system." This was adjusted in later editions to read "officials gathered in Washington were forced to contemplate the previously unthinkable: that Britain's enfeebled banks may face outright nationalization."

This nationalisation of a number of major British banks should be carried out immediately. Some banks, notably HSBC, are able to raise private capital, if they require, to strengthen their balance sheet and should be allowed to do so. A number of others led by Royal Bank of Scotland, HBOS and possibly Lloyds TSB cannot – it is clear that the greatest financial strain now exists on the proposed takeover of HBOS by Lloyd's TSB.

Those banks that prove unable to raise private capital should be nationalised. But public taxpayers' money must not be risked in purchasing bank shares when the private sector refuses to do so. Such nationalisations would allow the kickstarting of bank lending – which the further rise in interbank lending rates on Friday confirmed will not be achieved by present proposals.

As the prime minister wrote in the Times on Friday: "The banking system is fundamental to everything we do. Every family and every business in Britain depends upon it. ... The role of banks is to circulate the savings from deposits, our pensions and from companies to those that need to spend or invest them. The cost at which banks can borrow this money directly affects the costs of mortgages for homeowners and of lending for business. This paralysis of lending from loss of confidence jeopardises the flow of money to every family and every business in the country."

Indeed, it goes without saying that the British economy cannot operate without a functioning banking system. The strongest possible banking system would be to proceed to create a strong nationalised banking sector, which will be able to restart lending.

For this reason, the government should set on one side its initial package, which is rapidly being superseded by events, and which carries unacceptable risk to the taxpayer, and proceed immediately to the nationalisation of those British banks unable to raise private capital as the most decisive way to strengthen their balance sheets and resume lending.

October 10, 2008

Stocks' relentless slide continued Friday, Oct 10, 2008

Stocks' relentless slide continued Friday, leaving the Dow Jones Industrial Average poised to register the bloodiest weekly drop in its 112-year history.
Wall Street Journal Friday, Oct 10, 2008

The Threat from the plunging markets and the resurgent far-right






By Andrew R-Taylor

Recent elections in Austria have brought democrats
world over a wake-up call
: 30% of voters have given
their support to the Far-Right,-- to holocaust
revisionists like Jörg Haider,of the Freedom Party,--
and to Heinz-Christian Strache, the thug leader of the
Alliance for Austria's Future.

Why is this particular electoral outcome so
threatening -- after all, democratic and left forces
have just to keep up the old vigilant fight against
tolerance for such forces? The threat is much more
menacing today because it arrives in sync with the panic of Europe's political class, as they flounder
in the Banking Meltdown following years of unprecedented
economic prosperity. The threat lies in the political
vacuum of this kairos1 moment.


The corporate press' talking heads keep telling us we
are moving into "uncharted waters". They are
correct. What toll will the global banking Crisis take
in job layoffs, home repossessions, and pension
savings? No one has a precise answer to that question
but commentators from all points on the political
spectrum agree that the damage will be considerable
and long-lasting,- and they concede that the political
leaders of Europe and N. America and Asia are
discredited. This combination of factors opens the
possibility of mass growth for the socialist left worldwide,
for the growth of a more militant trade unionism, but it
has also pushed the door open for the demagogues of
the racist, anti-immigrant Far-Right, for concessions by
labour, and the demoralisation of the progressive movements.

Class lines are hardening, and as the crisis deepens the struggle
of the antagonistic classes will deepen: there is great confusion,
it is time to dig deep foundations and build well.
____________________________________
1. Kairos moment: In addition to chronos or
chronological time, the Greeks also spoke of time as a breakthrough, time as occasion, time as qualitative rather than quantitative, time as significant rather than dimensional. This latter word for time is kairos.

October 9, 2008

Capitalist States in Crisis Create Corporatism not "Socialism"





October 9, 2008
By: Andrew R-Taylor



After having spent the years since the mid-1980s hearing the rising drum beat for the de-regulation of markets, loosing the fetters of entrepreneurship and the creative energies of unbridled capitalism, it is most ironical to read that US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson hints that the American government may use its new bailout bill legal power to "invest" in private banks... The British have led the way down this new path, and many in the US Elites are asking "why...?", "who...?", "What!" "Socialism!" It's nothing but Socialism" they weakly croak in their demoralised disbelief... But is this Socialism we are seeing now being feverishly cobbled together helter-skelter in response to the present global capitalist crisis? Is this Paul's Damascus Road conversion for the USA? (Saul, Saul,it is hard for thee to kick against the pricks!(Acts 9:5))

It is not Socialism per se, -- we are not seeing the dialectical breakthrough of History in the working-class or its parties or organizations.1 Corporatism is the proper name for the edifice we are seeing slopped in place -- wall by govt-fabricated wall. This as yet inchoate corporatism is the latest stage of the national corporate governments' moves to stabilize Finance Capital and to create Credit. It is the the merger of state and corporate power. The rescue plans of the EU and western democracies are not in themselves antagonistic to the road to socialism -- but neither are they to be equated with revolutionary socialism.

We should also know that there have been moments in 20th century history when a frightened national bourgeoisie, rocked by financial crisis and unrest, willingly capitulated its independence to a corporatist government,-- but the compelling topic of the advent of a "creeping fascism" (Kenneth Leech) is for another day.2 Still, we can't deny that the US state has already, in some important ways, gathered to itself repressive policies of preemptive war, torture camps, and the weakening of domestic civil liberties (FISA being the latest nail in the box, approved by both Obama and McCain.)3 New powers and arrangements, including those devised to ameliorate the economic crisis , are rapidly emerging and merging together with the current state apparatus in America, -- and these could conceivably be swiftly marshaled together in an anti-democratic configuration. There are plausible reports, for instance, that the US Administration is also preparing to implement martial law, or something close to it, in case democratic protest breaks out.(see alarming/ alarmist (?) Tom Burghardt article on this possibility at: http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=10473)


But back to the current and de facto nationalisation of the banks: some prefer to call this kind of merger of state and corporate power "state capitalism". No matter. In any case, let socialists henceforth refute the misconception that these state re-arrangements of the Banks and Credit -- however expedient to avert meltdown -- have anything to do with the self-emancipation of the workers, with workers' Councils,with the mission of the Socialist party, and the winning of state power.


______________________________________________________________________________
NOTES
1.V.I. Lenin: The State And Revolution, The Experience of 1848-51"The overthrow of the bourgeoisie can be achieved only by the proletariat becoming the ruling class, capable of crushing the inevitable and desperate resistance of the bourgeoisie, and of organizing all the working and exploited people for the new economic system.
The proletariat needs state power, a centralized organization of force, an organization of violence, both to crush the resistance of the exploiters and to lead the enormous mass of the population — the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, and semi-proletarians — in the work of organizing a socialist economy."

2. Corporatism is a concept that has merited libraries of type by weberians, marxists etc., etc., but for my purposes Corporatism is an apt model-term for various types of more or less integrated, and repressive state-capitalist governance, as well as for the classical fascist Mussolini Italy of the pre- WW II era. I offer no perspective here on the quickly changing complexion of the US State.
3."I believe there are more instances of the abridgement of freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments by those in power than by violent and sudden usurpations.... The means of defense against foreign danger historically have become the instruments of tyranny at home." James Madison, US 'Founding Father'

just a thought...a shrine for Marmite?


http://www.facebook.com/home.php#/pages/Marmite/15672425113?ref=ts






I am polling persons within the sphere of british-S.African- W. Indies- Canadian imperial influence about their relationship to Marmite. So I wondered, is it your passion or does it excite your gag reflex? If you are very keen on Marmite do you not agree that the site of it's manufacture,Burton on Trent,uk, should become a Pilgrimage site like Lourdes, Glastonbury or Walsingham? Let us face facts squarely , Marmite is a faux-divine sacramental that ought to possess a proper Shrine. Perhaps the anglo-catholic Vicars opting out of The C of E over lady bishops ought be put back to work in an apostolate designing the new Marmite Shrine...? They are so handy with dressing altars, sewing vestments and introducing statues and votive lamps -- this may be a chance out of redundancy for our "Full Faith" Cost of Conscience lads. Well, as one can see, this may well be the beginning of a truly "authentic fake" American-style New Labourish religion. (I wonder if Tony Blair would liason with the Pope and the Ottoman Dynasty on behalf of this work in the Lord's Vineyard)?

Your Comments are eagerly awaited below.

***The Holy Orders of the Priests of Vegemite are null and void

Spiritual Apathy: The Forgotten Deadly Sin, by Abbot Christopher Jamison








http://www.thinkingfaith.org/articles/20081009_1.htm

In an exclusive adapted extract from his forthcoming book, Finding Happiness, Abbot Christopher Jamison examines the modern attitude to the Seven Deadly Sins and re-introduces us to the sin that never made the list. How has our neglect of acedia, or spiritual apathy, affected our culture?

"...Yet looking more closely... it is surprising that those who saw cruelty as the top sin did not connect it to anger as the source of cruelty and that they did not see lust as the source of adultery. People today see wrong doing solely in terms of outcomes. The private sphere is mine to command exactly as I like and in the public sphere I have only to avoid harm to others. In so far as they are seen as key actions that harm others then the Seven Deadly Sins are indeed unhelpful. They are only useful when seen as describing the principal human tendencies that lead people away from living well towards harmful actions. In other words, their usefulness is dependent on believing that spiritual awareness is a vital dimension of human life and that without such self-awareness there is no happiness. The Seven Deadly Sins were never intended as a guide to harmful actions but as a guide to the roots of harmful actions; when viewed in that way, their insights continue to challenge us to greater personal honesty about our innermost thoughts."

Overheard from Gerald Caplan

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081008.welxnstrategists1008/BNStory/politics/home?cid=al_gam_mostview


...(Nor has) the Liberals' original responsibility for this huge (Financial)mess been forgotten - as Jeffrey Simpson just reminded Globe readers. It was those three terms of Chretien-Martin unleashing neo-liberalism on the land, deregulating and slashing social and infrastructure programs, that has landed us, too, on the worldwide road to recession.

CAPITALISM IN CRISIS:The Broken Pact with the People, By Dirk Kurbjuweit, Spiegel Online

URL:

* http://www.spiegel.de/international/business/0,1518,583007,00.html

The Winkle Song (British Music Hall )




The Winkle Song
British Music Hall trad.

Match bar winkles are street stalls that sell winkles. Winkles being small, snail like, shell fish found along the English coast. A pin is use to extract them from the shell. Winkles with bread and butter is a traditional cockney Sunday afternoon tea!



As I was going home to tea
I thought I'd take some luxury
Went into a match bar winkle
Bought me self a pennyworth of winkle
Going home to tea as happy as could be
Went up stairs left all the family
Picking all the big ones out
Picking all the big ones out
You should have seen my face a'wrinkle
When I saw my penny worth of winkle
All the big ones gone
It made me rave and shout
There was the wife and seven kids
Picking all the big one's out.
Singin', I can't get my winkle out
With my old bent pin
I can't get my winkle out!
Isn't it a sin!
I can't get my winkle out!
Isn't it a doer!
I can't get my winkle out!
Anyone got a skewer?

October 7, 2008

More Depression Words n' Music: "Keep The Sunnyside Up" (Johnny Hamp, 1929)


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCN9KIPfMPE








Keep your sunny side up,up!
Hide the side that gets blue.
If you have nine sons in a row.
Baseball teams make money, You know!
Keep your funny side up,up!
Let your laughter come through, do!
Stand up on your legs;
be like two fried eggs;
Keep your sunny side up.

"Shouting With Rotarians" from Peter Maurin's "Easy Essays"







1. The modern man looks for thought
so that he can have light,
and he is unable to find it
in our modern schools.

2. According to Professor Meiklejohn,
"Students go school
not to be directed
but to become business men."

3. According to Glenn Frank,
President of the University of Wisconsin,
"Schools reflect the environment,
they do not create it."

4. Which explains why
shortly after their graduation,
school graduates could be heard
shouting with Rotarians:
"Service for profits",
"Time is money",
"Keep Smiling",
"Business is business",
"How are you making out?"
"The law of supply and demand",
"Competition is the life of trade",
"Your dollar is your best friend"

October 6, 2008

fight to survive! : the coming socialism of austerity




fighting for our lives! : the coming socialism of austerity
by Andrew R-Taylor



When the planned Economy model was ditched with the Communist regimes of Russia and Eastern Europe in the late 1980s most commentators assumed that laissez-faire Capitalism had "won".

The rhetoric of triumph was a bit different when supposed 'left of centre' administrations, such as those of Blair and Clinton and Chretien-Martin were in the saddle,-- we learned of the (radical-middle) “Third way” with these anglo-american liberal governments. Very often it turned out that in order to win the support of the Corporate-Class and their contributions - these governing Parties stopped providing sufficient funding for Social programmes and governed with low Corporate taxes and low Corporate regulation. (eg: feeding Healthcare through an eyedropper; slashing social-welfare)

Today global capitalism is again in crisis: Will a non-revisionist democratic-socialism re-surface as credit shrinks and unemployment rises? Will the present neo-liberal governing parties with their current pro Big-Business programmes have anything of economic substance to offer working (or unemployed) families in distress?

I see history turning on its head again - and I think that there will be a curtailment in many choices and luxuries as the Great Recession deepens. In a shared world of deep interconnections will the nations face polarized political options akin to the ones our grandparents and parents faced during The Great Depression? In any case, for bane or boon, the option of a more centrally regulated economy is back on the table in former "Third Way" establishment circles. A socialism of austerity is necessary for global survival. From henceforth "the one who dies with the most toys" will not be seen as a winner but as an anti-social hoarder. It's time to cast away the lazy consumer vices, it's time to show up for our families and our cities. We don't have an ethical option that bypasses the hallmark of sharing. Will we fight for a new global civilization of solidarity,-- for a more "green-red" world for our children and children's children? Do we want to change ourselves -- not just the world?

Dust off that Catholic Social Teaching: the Crisis is on!


by Andrew Reesor-Taylor

The consensus of Catholic Social Teaching puts forward the principle of "the Common Good". While private property has certain limited rights, these rights can never override the common good (bonum commune hominis). Similarly, the rightful role of the state to plan the distribution of wealth and services must not grow into a totalism which smothers the free choices of individuals and their families.

The general pattern in all Catholic Social Teaching has been to favour a planned economy which provides some room for markets and profits, and which permits the principle of Subsidiarity to flourish, -- that is, when a smaller, more grass-roots collectivity can better deal with a social/economic problem, it ought be permitted to do so. Whether the greater role in bank regulation/ownership presently taken by western governments is an opportunity for the working families and the global Left remains a disputed question I will address at a later time.

Stickin with the NDP -- A hilarious take on the current election campaign. Enjoy

Stumpin Tom says - stickin with the NDP (way cool and very funny)

Stickin with the NDP
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=auVGvM4_9XU

A hilarious take-off on the canadian election campaign

October 5, 2008

reflection on the inner call in a time of social crisis


isn't it is our wounded human-nature to cast stones at figures outside our own Egos? (those petty castles of bad-faith)? I think that on the inner level one's own fragility and impoverishment is key, on the social level a new kind of socialism of austerity is needed if we are to survive and begin again...

the Party of the European Left - link


from the Party of the European Left: http:www.european-left.org///
Some remarks concerning the creation of the Party of the European Left

Six years ago, in June 1998, representatives from a number of left socialist, communist, and red-green parties in the European Union met in Berlin on the eve of the 1999 elections to the European Parliament to think about new forms and ways of cooperation.

Based on the elections in June 1999, the Confederated Group of the United European Left/Nordic Green Left (Gauche Unifiée Européenne/Nordic Green Left, abbr. GUE/NGL) was formed in the European Parliament.

"To A Pope" by Pier Paulo Pasolini -- upon death of Pius XII


http://www.sargentogayrcia.blogspot.com/2008/07/pier-paolo-pasolini.html

A few days before you died, death
cast her eye on one of your own age:
at twenty, you were a student, he a working lad,
you noble and rich, he a plebeian son of toil:
but those days you lived together illumined with a flame
of gold our ancient Roma, restoring her to youth again.
-I've just seen his corpse, poor old Zuchetto's.
Drunk, he was roaming the dark streets round the markets
and a tram coming from San Paolo ran him down,
dragging him along the rails under the plane trees:
they left him there for hours, beneath the wheels:
a few curious passers-by were standing staring at him
in silence: it was late, not many people in the streets.
One of those men who owe you their existence,
an old cop, in a sloppy uniform, like any layabout,
kept shouting at those who went too close: "Fuck off!"
Then at last the hospital van arrived to carry him away:
the idlers began dispersing, but a few still hung around,
and the proprietress of a nearby all-night snack bar
who knew him well, told someone who'd just come by
Zuchetto had been run over by a tram, it was all over now.
You died a few days later: Zuchetto was one
of your vast apostolic human flock,
a poor old soak, no family, no home,
who roamed the streets at night, living as best he could.
You knew nothing of all that: knew nothing either
of thousands of others christs like him.
Perhaps we're crazy to keep on asking why
people like Zuchetto were unworthy of your love.
There are unspeakable hovels, where mothers and children
go on existing in the dust andf filthof a past long gone.
Not too far from where you lived yourself,
within sight of the vanglorious dome of St. Peter's
there is one of those places, il Gelsomino...
a hill half ravaged by a quarry, and down below,
between a stagnant sewer and a row of mansions blocks,
a mass of wretched shacks, not houses - pigsties.
All it needed from you was a gesture, a single word,
for all your children living there to find a decent roof:
you made no gesture, you spoke not a single word.
No one was asking you to give Marx absolution! An immense
wave, beating against thousands of years of life,
separated you from him, from his beliefs:
but does your own religion know nothing of pity?
Thousands of men under your pontificate
lived on dunghills, in pigsties, under your very eyes.
You knew that to sin does not just mean to commit evil deeds:
not to do good - that is the real infamy.
What good you might have done! And you did not:
there has been no greater sinner than yourself!

Saló: The Semiotics of Death, By Jesse Merlin ©1997

http://www.geocities.com/WestHollywood/3660/the_semiotics_of_death.html

In November of 1975 the revolutionary filmmaker and writer Pier Paolo Pasolini was brutally beaten to death at Ostia, near Rome. His body was horribly disfigured, crushed by his own car. Three weeks prior to his death, Pasolini had completed editing what was to be his last film: Saló: The 120 Days of Sodom. Saló became his final contribution to the world, shattering all previous notions of the perpetually controversial nature of his artistry and ideology. Through Saló, Pasolini created his own semiotics of image-signs to represent his "theorem of death". According to Pasolini, sadism, through fascism, culminates in neo-capitalism.

Saló is an adaptation of the Marquis de Sade's epic novel, The 120 Days of Sodom, which was completed while de Sade was imprisoned in the Bastille; it is a tale unparalleled in its vivid description of lubricious and perverse debauchery. The 120 Days of Sodom was lost in the storming of the Bastille, and remained unpublished until 1935. To this day, it remains a highly controversial text and has been censored from many libraries. Similarly, Saló remains illegal in many states and, until recently, was not available for video rental in the U.S. Pasolini takes de Sade's tale of eighteenth century depravity and sets it in the fascist Italy of 1943-1944, known as the "Republic of Saló."

The film opens pleasantly, with the credits played over nightclub dancing music of the forties; first shots are lush and quasi-neorealist in their depiction of a villa by the sea. The film, however, takes on a markedly dark character rather quickly. We are introduced to the four fascist libertines who will dictate the story: a duke, a magistrate, a banker, and a bishop. Under their orders, fascist henchmen and soldiers round up young men between the ages of fourteen and nineteen for a seemingly unknown reason. Some men are drafted to be soldiers, but most are assembled in halls where the libertines "inspect" them; they discuss the young men, command some to undress, and write the names of the boys they desire on slips of paper to be counted democratically. Pasolini draws in the class struggle where the Marquis de Sade had none; in de Sade's novel, the youths are only of the highest breeding, whereas in Saló, they are mostly proletarians. This is a key choice in Pasolini’s semiotic development. A similar process ensues with young women, and the libertines, aided by aging madames, manage to select boys and girls for their nefarious purposes. The madames are very much akin to middlemen or solicitors when they sell the young women as slaves; the spectre of neo-capitalism is making itself more apparent. The entourage- four libertines, four madames, eight guards, nine boys, and nine girls- is driven to a majestic estate secluded in the mountains. Once assembled in the villa, the victims are read the formal code of sexual perversions and rules that will govern the rest of their miserable days. The film then focuses on the metaphorical descent of these unfortunate youngsters into the screaming agonies of hell at the hands of the libertines.

In structuring Saló, Pasolini utilizes the circles of hell as elaborated in Dante's Inferno. The film thus far has been entitled "ANTINFERNO," or the antechamber of hell. As they enter the villa, the "circle of obsessions" or manias begins. This circle is dominated by the detailed recounting of perverse sexual encounters, interspersed with violent episodes of sexual deviation and domination committed by the libertines upon the young boys and girls. Next is the "circle of shit," dominated by images of coprophagy. The film culminates in the "circle of blood," dominated by images of torture and death. Each of the circles is introduced by an elegant madame who has spent her life servicing the most base desires of libertinage.

Each woman spins lewd yarns relating to her circle, which are designed to excite the libertines and provoke similar action. The idea of reproducing the acts told in the stories is key; Pasolini's film is a tale of frustrated desire, of impotence taking its vengeance on a helpless underclass. The libertines' sexual voracity requires the constant exploration of the most grotesque and imaginative eroticism; the telling of stories adds fuel to their fire. Throughout the stories, a fourth woman is always present playing the piano. She begins by playing tunes from "Showboat," progresses through Romantic composers like Chopin, and by the end plays atonal and unsettling experimental music in the vein of Scriabin or Hindemith. This musical progression is structured to complement the visual semiotics of a nightmarish descent. The constant presence of music underneath the stories is vital, and lends the libertines and their affairs a decidedly bourgeois character.

In the final scene of the film, Pasolini's theory of the "free indirect subjective" nature of his filmmaking is most evident. Pasolini uses the "free indirect point-of-view shot," making the audience see what the character sees, forcing them to identify with the character. As each libertine takes his turn before a window overlooking an enclosed courtyard, through binoculars we see the other libertines, assisted by guards and some of the victims who have "collaborated," raping, torturing, and murdering with focus on the mutilation of sensory organs and genitals. It is graphic in its explicit use of shocking images, yet suggestive because no sound is heard from the courtyard. As the last libertine is taking his turn in the viewing chair, we see a brief shot of the other three dancing happily in a kick-line, like chorus girls.

To best illustrate the metaphorical and cinematic devices Pasolini employs to develop his "theorem of death," I will discuss a particularly striking scene from the "circle of obsessions." The first image is a long-shot of the libertines standing with the madames and guards at the end of a geometrically ordered room. The following image of the stairway leading to that room reveals the captive boys and girls naked, crawling up the stairs on leashes, barking like dogs. They are led into the room, where the libertines feed them scraps of rancid meat. The victims, all too aware of the consequences of disobedience, play the part of hungry dogs. As the magistrate sets down a bowl of meat, he commands two of the boys to eat; one does so, but the other refuses by shaking his head. The magistrate yells, "Eat! Eat! Eat!," and begins to beat the boy savagely with a whip until he falls unconscious. The Duke engages in a brief dialogue with the bishop, while the magistrate, his passion not yet sated, inserts nails into a piece of cake. He then feeds the cake to a young girl, who obediently begins to eat it. Moments later, she emits a horrifying scream, which causes the Bishop to smile, and blood begins to pour from her mouth.

Pasolini clearly identifies sadism with fascism in Saló- each becomes a transparent metaphor for the other. What was once a mere tale of sadism and extreme atheist philosophy becomes hopelessly interlocked with the substance of fascism through the setting of the film in fascist Italy. This characterization is one that brought great criticism to the film, and even provoked one critic, upon exiting the theatre to remark, "Luckily, they killed him."

To understand Pasolini's focus on these imagistic concepts, it is necessary to delve into his theoretical writings on cinema. In his treatise, The "Cinema of Poetry", Pasolini defines the creative process of the filmmaker as follows:

...there is an entire world in man which expresses itself primarily through signifying images (shall we invent, by analogy, the term im-signs?): this is the world of memory and dreams.... The activity of the cinematographic author...is not single, but double....he must (1) take the im-sign from the meaningless jumble of possible expressions (chaos), make its individual existence possible, and conceive of it as placed in a dictionary of meaningful im-signs (gestures, environment, dream, memory); (2) fulfill the writer's function, that is, add to such a purely morphological sign its individual expressive quality. In other words, while the activity of the writer is an aesthetic invention, that of the filmmaker is first linguistic and then aesthetic.1

For Pasolini, an im-sign is the filmic equivalent of a language-sign, or word. Im-signs form the basis of Pasolini's mode of filmic communication, and it is evident that each image in Saló contains a carefully constructed meaning.

Interpreted through this theoretical lens, the scene previously described takes on "individual expressive quality" beyond the obvious parable of fascism/sadism. The "purely morphological sign" of the naked and mute victims being violated is contextually informed by a recurrent emphasis on the class struggle. Throughout the scene, the libertines and madames look on with mild amusement; Pasolini has created an im-sign of extreme bourgeois decadence rather than one of direct fascism. Through the "gesture" of their cruel relationship with the clearly proletarian victims, Pasolini has created a painfully direct analogy of sadism to fascism to neo-capitalism, a term which, in his critique means the new fascism of consumerist pseudo-democracy. The forced consumption of rancid meat later becomes that of human feces. The boys and girls are imagistically force-fed, indirectly and directly, the very worst products of humankind. In a literal sense, they are physically made to eat excrement, and ideologically they are forced to consume the nihilistic thoughts and behavior of the fascists. Pasolini uses the im-signs to articulate his critique, focusing on the literal-ideological parallel.

This im-sign interpretation would be incomplete without analysis of the brief dialogue between the Duke and the bishop that occurs after the magistrate's whipping of the disobedient boy.

DUKE: (to MAGISTRATE) Excellency, are you convinced? It's seeing those who don't enjoy what I do, and who suffer the worst, that provides the fascination of telling oneself: I'm happier than that scum they call the people. Wherever men are equal and there isn't that difference, happiness cannot exist.
BISHOP: Then you aid neither the humble nor the unhappy?
DUKE: (to BISHOP) In the world, there's no voluptuousness that more flatters the senses than social privilege.

What is Pasolini saying here? One reading suggests that he is likening the "arid-rationalism" of fascism/sadism directly to the simple rationalization of the bourgeoisie. It is very telling that as the Duke says there is "no voluptuousness that more flatters the senses than social privilege," the Bishop is simultaneously inserting the nails in the cake and feeding them to his victim. The gesture of the horrifying im-sign in synchronicity with the seemingly simple bourgeois rationalization epitomizes the central tenet of Pasolini's "theorem of death:" sadism, through the mask of Italian Fascism, is equal to the atrocity of neo-capitalism. The cumulative effect of this film is even more disturbing; Pasolini's statement is even more extreme. As Naomi Greene so incisively states:

In some ways, the "scandal" of Saló goes beyond politics, beyond ideology, beyond even sexual horror... spectators of Saló are drawn inexorably into a web of complicity with the monstrous libertines- a terrible web where they are compelled to see both Pasolini, and themselves, as one of their number.2 As the spectators are thus compelled to identify with the libertines, Pasolini is doubly effective in the expostulation of his theorem. Beyond the personal horror of an individual experience, spectators are directly challenged in their beliefs, their lifestyles, their sexualities.

Saló holds deeper insight to Pasolini's character when placed in opposition with his earlier work. Pasolini's previous films were revolutionary and challenging in their depiction of the class struggle, but were also largely lyrical with imagistic poetry, and were even sometimes life-affirming and positive in their depiction of the inherent dignity of the poor. Shortly before his death, Pasolini wrote a renunciation of three such films known as the "Trilogy of Life." They were The Decameron, The Canterbury Tales, and The Arabian Nights. In the renunciation, Pasolini states: "Even the "reality" of innocent bodies has been violated, manipulated, enslaved by consumerist power... The collapse of the present implies the collapse of the past. Life is a heap of insignificant and ironical ruins... I readjust my commitment to a greater legibility (Saló?)"

Pasolini's life of self-abnegation ended with this most disturbing change of ideology. It is enigmatic that Pasolini, a Marxist, a champion of the poor and disadvantaged, denied the past and the essential vitality of humanity in exchange for a "greater legibility." Perhaps it was personal dissatisfaction with the hopelessness of his sexuality, as depicted within the frantic impotence of the libertines, that caused this violent swing of ideas. He may have simply resigned himself to his frightening view of the universality of human cruelty, as expressed by the exponential growth of neo-capitalism.

With Saló, Pasolini's artistic life saw its end. He even once stated that "Saló goes so far beyond the limits that those who habitually speak badly of me will have to find new terms." The release of Saló was shadowed by photographs of Pasolini's disfigured corpse, and the outrage of the intelligentsia was enormous on many levels. Pasolini, it might be said, may have sacrificed himself to prove his "theorem of death." Though it is my belief his death was conspiratorially motivated, he was likely aware of its reality. As he said, "Without death, life has no meaning." Saló and Pasolini's death are so inextricably linked together, that they have provided two-part harmony to end the lyric poem of his life. The concept of his death and utter dismay with life are the ultimate expression of the entire trajectory of his life's work.

1. Pasolini, Pier Paolo. "Heretical Empiricism," Indiana University Press, ©1988.
2. Greene, Naomi. "Cinema As Heresy; The Films of Pasolini," Pantheon, ©1991.
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