Is the Revolution in sight?

Is the Revolution in sight?
looks like the barge may be lifting off a sand bar...

April 21, 2009

Malaysian socialists: `Unite to turn workers’ frustration into a political struggle for socialism’

By M. Saraswathy

[M. Saraswathy is deputy chairperson of the Socialist Party of Malaysia. She was a featured guest at the World at a Crossroads conference, organised by the Democratic Socialist Perspective and Resistance, and held in Sydney, Australia, April 10-12, 2009. Below is M. Saraswathy's speech to the final session of the conference: ``World at a Crossroads -- Fighting for our future''.]

Cuba si! Yankee no! Uh! Ah! Chavez no se va!

Red salute from Malaysia to all friends and comrades!

The Socialist Party of Malaysia thanks the Democratic Socialist Persective, Socialist Alliance and Resistance for inviting us to this valuable World at a Crossroads conference.

One of the most widely known truths today is that capitalism is in deep crisis of its own making . The endless search for greater and greater profits with complete disregard for people and the planet has inevitably resulted in crises which capitalism itself cannot solve.

The clock cannot be turned back on global warming, which has resulted in major changes to temperature and natural phenomena, and which poses a serious threat to future life on Earth.

Capitalism has also created a crisis of resources. The resources of the world are being exhausted and depleted by unplanned production and wasteful exploitation. Peak oil production has been reached and we face the prospect of a world that is short of energy resources.

Currently we are all in the midst of a worldwide economic recession that is entirely created by the capitalist system. Thanks to global capitalism no country in the world is spared. Workers are losing jobs in millions; there is widespread homelessness and misery. The recession has created and is going to create massive poverty. World poverty figures are going to skyrocket.

Of course, the capitalist-run media mourns not the huge suffering of the people but the bankruptcy of financial institutions, the drop in the billions owned by the billionaires, and the billions being pumped in by capitalist governments to save the capitalist system.

The constant warning is that this is going to be the worst economic crisis in 80 years, and even worse than the depression of the 1930s. For us socialists this means a long period of suffering and deprivation for the people, brought about by the ruthless profits-first and greed-driven system.

Hope

But this very bleak period also is a period of great hope, having created the objective conditions necessary for ending capitalism .Widespread unemployment and poverty also means widespread disenchantment and anger. We have the opportunity to create awareness among workers by exposing the capitalist system as a system that rides on the super-exploitation and repression of workers. We have the opportunity now to create awareness about the socialist system. We have the opportunity to empower workers. I think we are all agreed that the objective conditions are ready for a change. But are we ready to use this opportunity to fight for a socialist future?

I would like to propose some actions we should take in order to be able to respond to the crisis of capitalism.

1. Sink our differences

One of the biggest obstacles in the way to a concerted fight against capitalism is factionalism among the left. Many groups seem to be more concerned about the correctness of their ideology and position rather the onslaught of capitalism and how the left will need a joint response to it. There is a need to unite on our similarities as socialists, oppressed by an inhuman system in which the majority remains oppressed, and commit ourselves to struggle for socialism with the working class. There is a need for continuous dialogue over our differences as we work together. There is an urgent need for us to think of the challenges and kind of socialism in the 21st century and how to arrive at it. And to realise that capitalism is still strong and will come back after the recession only because the socialists wasted their opportunity. Human history and the working class will never forgive us if we continue divide ourselves!

2. Venezuela and Latin America

We need to look at Venezuela and Latin America. Non-socialists are achieving what socialists have failed to achieve in decades. Socialism is being introduced in ways never imagined before. What lessons can we learn from Latin America which we can apply in the struggle in our own countries?

3. We have to work

We have to go the ground level and agitate, as Che said. Engage with the working class in struggle, empower them. Gain the democratic space to enhance our struggles. We have to write pamphlets for workers to understand and discuss – to create awareness and urge them into action. We have to harness the anger and frustration of the workers and make people aware that humankind is not doomed to suffer under the capitalism system forever. Socialism doesn't drop from the sky!

As Rosa Luxemburg said, the choice facing humankind is socialism or barbarism. There will be great anger and dissatisfaction with the existing economic system. Our role is to turn this frustration into a political struggle for a socialist society.

Long live socialism!

Working class of the world unite !

Hidup perjuangan! Hidup sosialisma!

Barack Obama: Taking up where Teddy Roosevelt left off?


http://theragblog. blogspot. com/2009/ 04/steve- weissman- obamas-big- stick.html


By Steve Weissman / The Rag Blog / April 17, 2009

In less than hundred days in office, President Barack Obama has already demonstrated his desire to speak softly to all comers, friend or foe, while his proposed military budget shows a determination to carry America’s big stick into far-off trouble spots that most of us don’t know how to spell.


“Speak softly and carry a big stick,” President Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed just over a hundred years ago. Unabashedly committed to make America an imperial power, the energetic Roosevelt looked to a strong Navy to enforce the Monroe’s Doctrine’s hold over Latin America and to project the country’s growing power into the far corners of the world.

In less than hundred days in office, President Barack Obama has already demonstrated his desire to speak softly to all comers, friend or foe, while his proposed military budget shows a determination to carry America’s big stick into far-off trouble spots that most of us don’t know how to spell. The budget numbers and choice of weapon systems tell the story. Obama turns out be far more globally ambitious than either his supporters or detractors expected, and far more eager for Washington to remain the world’s policeman, ready, willing, and able to intervene militarily in what the Pentagon calls counter-insurgency and Teddy Roosevelt would have called colonial wars.

As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates put it, the Pentagon would retain a hedge against other risks, but the primary goal was to prepare to “fight the wars we are in today and the scenarios we are most likely to face in the years to come.”

Up to now, the raw numbers have drawn the most attention, much of it scurrilous or silly. Republican hawks condemn Obama for “gutting the military budget.” Anti-war bloggers defend him for proposing the most military spending in years, an estimated $534 billion or some 4% higher than George W. Bush’s last budget. And, it takes the right-wing libertarians at the Cato Institute to point out that the total military spending – including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and other incidentals – amounts to more than $750 billion. According to CATO researcher Benjamin H. Friedman, “That is more than six times what China spends, 10 times what Russia spends and 70 times what Iran, North Korea and Syria spend combined.”

Obama’s choice of which arms to keep – and which to cut – further highlights his global ambitions. He has forced the Pentagon to cut down on overly exquisite and under-performing weapons systems, especially those intended primarily to combat technologically sophisticated opponents, such as Russia and China. The cuts would halt or scale back the F-22 fighter jet, the missile shield in Poland and the Czech Republic that the Kremlin opposes, non-workable armored vehicles for the Army’s Future Combat Systems, a new communication satellite, the C-17 transport plane, a new generation of stealth destroyers, and new helicopters to rescue downed pilots and for President Obama himself.

In place of these, Obama is boosting proposed expenditures for more boots on the ground and more plentiful, more modular, lower-tech, and somewhat lower-cost arms that make military intervention in colonial wars faster, cheaper, and – he hopes – more effective. Among the keepers:


* Littoral Combat Ships – smaller, high-speed, multi-purpose surface vessels that can operate in shallow water close to shore. The Pentagon will use them to move troops and equipment onto a beach, support Special Forces in commando raids, collect intelligence, perform surveillance and reconnaissance, sweep mines, hunt submarines, and fight pirates.
* F-35 joint-strike fighter planes – high-speed, multi-purpose single-engine jet fighters optimized for air-to-ground rather than air-to-air combat. The Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps will use as many as 2,443 F-35’s to provide close air support, tactical bombing, and air defense. Allied nations will also use them.
* Unmanned Aerial Vehicles – remotely piloted drones to fly over targeted areas to collect intelligence and fire rockets. The Pentagon and CIA are already using them in Afghanistan and Pakistan, often killing civilians and provoking a militant reaction.


These are the weapons systems Obama wants to help Washington police the world. Whether he gets them, and whether he gets rid of those arms that do little to serve that task, remain to be seen. Each of the wasteful weapons systems has a powerful constituency, including the companies that make them, all the sub-contractors, the unions, the communities in which all of the work is done, and the senators and representatives who feed at the military trough. But, win or lose, Obama’s first military budget reveals his global goals and the technocratic rationality with which he is pursuing them. Teddy Roosevelt would be proud.

[Steve Weissman is a contributor to The Rag Blog. A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France.]

"Raisin in the Sun", poem by Langston Hughes

What happens to a dream deferred?

Does it dry up
like a raisin in the sun?


Or fester like a sore--
And then run?

Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust and sugar over--
like a syrupy sweet?

Maybe it just sags
like a heavy load.

Or does it explode?

April 20, 2009

A Good-bye Kiss to the Blockade?

http://www.politicalaffairs.net/
A Good-bye Kiss to the Blockade?

By Manuel E. Yepe

Original source: CubaNews

“The embargo on Cuba has been in place for almost 50 years. Although it may have been an appropriate policy response to the Cuban Revolution in the milieu of the Cold War, the reality of the 21st century calls for its abolishment.”

That assertion is made in article by Colonel Glenn Alex Crowther entitled “Kiss the Embargo Goodbye,” published in the [February 2009] monthly newsletter of the Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) of the US Army War College, a branch of the US government’s Defense Department.

“It is time to kiss the embargo goodbye, while maintaining an unyielding stance that democracy is the only acceptable form of government in the Western Hemisphere,” the article states, thereby reasserting a supposed US right, recognized by no one else, to determine what form of government its neighbors should have.

According to Colonel Crowther’s interpretation of the history of Cuba: “On January 1, 1959, in the wake of several notable victories by insurgents, the dictator Batista fled Cuba for exile. His government, isolated from both the Cuban people and the US Government because of its repressive policies, collapsed. Fidel arrived in Havana on January 9, 1959. He and his comrades took power in the face of a total government vacuum.”

Crowther states that “the United States initially responded in a conciliatory manner; however, mutual antipathy prevented rapprochement. The United States responded with support for the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961. Cuba then allowed the Soviet Union to place nuclear missiles in Cuba. Fidel also initiated a policy of exporting revolution to the rest of the Western Hemisphere and a few countries in Africa. His Argentine lieutenant, Ernest ‘Che’ Guevara, promised ‘one, two, one hundred [sic] Vietnams.’”

Later, according to Crowther, the triumph of the Sandinistas against the dictator Somoza was the only confirmation of the Cuban theory of guerrilla foco, which, nonetheless failed in Nicaragua because the US intervened to defeat the revolutionaries, and it continued to intervene throughout Latin America against all “fidelista-inspired revolutions.”

In this context, “it was not surprising that the United States sought to punish the Cuban regime. Among other responses, the United States declared a commercial, economic and financial embargo on Cuba on February 7, 1962.” The immediate justification “was the expropriation of properties owned by US corporations and citizens; however the long-term goal was to destabilize Cuba and hopefully cause regime change.”

The author asserts that because of the support that the Soviet Union gave to Cuba, the blockade could not overthrow the revolution, but it did succeed in doing great damage to the Cubans and preventing them from providing “even more support to world-wide revolutions.” During the Cold War, one of the tactics used by the United States to wear down the USSR was to force it to provide aid to Cuba, and that motive for the embargo has lessened with the end of the Cold War.

In Crowther’s opinion, “the only reasons for supporting the embargo” are: (1) to force Cuba to reform and (2) to accede to the demands of the Cuban community in Miami. They were the ones who argued in favor of the 1992 Torricelli Law (the Cuban Democracy Act) and the 1996 Helms-Burton Act (Cuban Liberty and Democracy Solidarity Act), aimed at bolstering the blockade.

The first reason, the need to keep up the pressure to force Cuba to reform, has “manifestly failed,” writes Crowther. “Not only did the embargo fail,” the article states, “but it is not in step with our policy towards other communist regimes who were our opponents during the Cold War,” citing the examples of China, Vietnam, and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

The second reason, the desire of Miami Cubans to maintain the embargo, “has slowly gone the way of the Cold War,” Crowther writes, and notes that the positions of the Cuban diaspora regarding ties with their country of origin have become more variegated.

He adds, as if this were a great discovery, that the blockade increases the Cuban people’s mobilization against US intervention in their internal affairs, although he justifies this with the old lies that portray the Cuban defensive actions as the “tyranny” of “the Castro regime.”

Lifting the blockade, he states, would project the US before the international community as “magnanimous and inclusive. Maintaining it makes us look petty and vindictive to the rest of the world.”

The article’s author, a Research Professor of National Security Studies at the US Army’s Strategic Studies Institute, argues that “we cannot convince anyone that Cuba is a threat to the United States, nor can we make the case internationally that more of the same will have a positive impact. Lifting the blockade would signal that we are ready to try something different” to achieve change.

Crowther assumes that as soon as the blockade is lifted the market for US goods and services will open up, and he dreams of a bourgeoisified and consumerist society that will covet US appliances and gadgets when the blockade ends, as happened “in Iraq in 2003.”

It is outrageous that there are those who call for lifting the blockade, not because for a half century it has been an unjustifiable crime committed against the Cuban people, but rather because it has been ineffective in achieving the foul aims that gave rise to it.

--A CubaNews translation by Will Reissner. Edited by Walter Lippmann.

A partial Biog of Works in Soviet Studies

J. Arch Getty and Roberta T. Manning editors, Stalinist Terror: New Perspectives, Cambridge University Press, 1993. [Getty & Manning]


David King, The Commissar Vanishes: The Falsification of Photographs and Art in Stalin's Russia, Metropolitan Books, 1997 [King].
Some excellent photos of N.I. Ezhov, as well as the Greatest Genius of All Times and Peoples, and the "enemies of the people" they eliminated together.

V.A. Kovalev, Dva Stalinskix Narkoma ("Two Stalinist Commissars"), Izdatel'skaya Gruppa "Progress," Moscow, 1995. [Kovalev]
A dual biography of OGPU-NKVD chiefs Genrikh Grigor'evich Yagoda (1934-36) and N.I. Ezhov (1936-38)

Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism (Revised and expanded edition edited and translated by George Shriver), Columbia University Press, New York, 1989; pp. 358-361. [Medvedev]


Vadim Zakharovich Rogovin; 1937: Stalin's Year of Terror; Mehring Books Inc., 25900 Greenfield Road, Oak Park MI 48237; 1998. [Rogovin]
(A Trotskyite, Rogovin takes the unusual view that there really was an effective Trotskyite opposition in 1936-38, and that, by Stalinist standards, the 1936-38 purge was needed to maintain Stalinist control.)

Arkadij Vaksberg, Carica Dokazatel'stv: Vyshinskij i ego Zhertvy, AO«Kniga i Biznes», Moskva, 1992; paper, 350 pp plus 16 pp. of photos.

which is also available in English translation:
Arkady Vaksberg, Stalin's Prosecutor: The Life of Andrei Vyshinsky (translated by Jan Butler), Grove Weidenfield, New York, 1991.

April 19, 2009

Against the British Plan to Divide Palestine By William Gallacher, M.P., The Communist International Vol. XIV, November 1937, pages 804-807

The question of Palestine has been raised in a new and acute form. The Royal
Commission proposes to divide this small country into three separate parts and
by this means not only to prevent the people of Palestine from realizing
national independence, but also to keep open and intensify the enmity and hatred
between Arab and Jew that have been so sedulously fostered by British
imperialism.

In the discussion of the report of the Royal Commission which took place in the
British House of Commons, there were many different interpretations given of
what Sir Henry McMahon promised the Sherif Hussein of Mecca in 1915, or of what
he meant when he said that Great Britain will, "acknowledge the independence of
Arab countries, in every sense of the word -- independence.."

There were also similar attempts to water down what was done by "Lawrence of
Arabia" just as there were numerous interpretations of what Balfour said, or
what Balfour meant, in his declaration on a National Scheme for the Jews in
November 1917. But however much speculation there may be on such matters as
these, they all appear to be beside the point.

Whatever British diplomats or politicians may have promised to one side or the
other, noting can alter the facts that the Arabs of Palestine have and must
secure the right to own their land, to develop their own form of government and
to determine the course of their own lives in cooperation with their Arab or
non-Arab neighbors.

For centuries Arabs and Jews have lived in close association, in peace and
amity. There is no reason why it should not continue to be so. When during
the Middle Ages, Jews were suffering the most unspeakable persecutions
throughout the rest of Europe, in Spain under the Moorish occupation they made a
mighty contribution to the advance of civilization.

Today when in a number of countries, the terror against the Jews has reached a
level never known before, the Jews in Palestine have an opportunity, as loyal
members of an Arab state, of contributing their share to a new advance in that
country, and by this mans to assist in winning the people of other lands for
support of the campaign to end Jewish persecution in Europe.

This means finishing forever with the reactionary policy of Zionism. For
Zionism, in so far as the solution of the "Jewish problem" is concerned, has
always been nothing but a harmful reactionary illusion. In actual fact it has
represented and carried through an invasion of Palestine, not in the interest of
the Jews, but of British imperialism.

The Arabs, I am certain, would never have objected to a moderate immigration of
European Jews. The more far-seeing would have welcomed them, realizing the
valuable part they could play in helping forward the development of the country.

But this immigration could only usefully take place on the basis of the full
recognition of Palestine as an Arab state. Therefore, from the earliest stages
of the immigration the Jews ought to have worked with the Arabs for the ending
of the British mandate and for the setting up of an independent legislative
assembly. Instead of following this, the only wise course, the Jews of
Palestine endeavored, under the incitement of the Zionists, to carry through an
occupation of Palestine at the expense of the Arabian people.

What other result could have been expected other than the tragic events recorded
in recent history? No people, unless they were utterly lost and decadent,
would submit without a struggle to the loss of their homeland and to the
wholesale buying up of their land, which threatened to deprive them of their
living and turn them into homeless wanderers. Certainly the Arabs were not
prepared to tolerate it and time and again they demonstrated their hatred
against the administration that was primarily responsible for their bitter
wrongs.

In the report of the Royal Commission we read:

"It has been pointed out that the outbreak of 1933 was not only, or even mainly,
an attack on the Jews, but an attack on the Palestine government. In 1936,
this was still clearer. Jewish lives were taken and Jewish property destroyed,
but the outbreak was chiefly and directly aimed at the government. The word
'disturbance' gives a misleading impression of what happened. It was open
rebellion of the Palestine Arabs assisted by fellow Arabs for other countries
against British mandate rule."

Despicable propaganda has been used in Britain and elsewhere in an effort to
discredit the heroic struggle of the Arab people. Arab men and women valiantly
placed their lives and liberty in jeopardy because they were fighting in a cause
that was just, the cause of national liberation. Yet we were told that it was
all the outcome of "foreign incitement" or that it was the "fanatical" Mufti and
his immediate associates amongst the big Effendi who were using the Arabian
people for some sinister end of their own.. But it does not require "foreign
incitement," or Muftis, to arouse a people threatened as the Arabs were. They
were left no other course but the path of revolt, and all who believe in
freedom, in the right of peoples to self-determination should have been
wholeheartedly with them in their fight.

With great courage they have asserted their right to Palestine and demonstrated
their determination to carry on till this right is recognized and established.
So now, the British imperialists, faced with the impossibility of continuing
with the mandate, make a new and almost unbelievable maneuver in order to retain
their power over this important center in the Near East. In several
discussions in the House of Commons emphasis has been laid on the vital position
of Palestine arising out of the new international situation in the Mediterranean
and the Red Sea. With quite cynical disregard of the Arab people, Mr. Amery,
the diehard imperialist and Conservative leader, told the House of Commons that
in the new situation that had developed, "Palestine was the 'Clapham Junction'
of the air" and must be retained at all costs by the British Empire. (Clapham
Junction is a well-known center in London from which roads and transport branch
out to all parts of
London. -- note by William Gallacher)

The Mandate, the regime that existed hitherto, having failed, it is with this
end in view that partition is now proposed. Whatever is offered to the Arabs
or the Jews, the real power, the real control, remains with the British
imperialists.

But the Arab people will no more submit to partition than to the Mandate. They
will carry on the struggle against the proposed "rape of Palestine" and for full
self-government over the whole of the country. Already much of the best land
has been taken from the Arab peasants and now it is proposed that 225,000 Arabs
on the Jewish side of the "partition" are to be transferred. What a blessed
word -- "transferred." Driven off the land they have owned and cultivated for
generations, they will be "replanted" somewhere, maybe to starve and die.
"Transferred" and "replanted." How is it possible that such barbaric treatment
of a great people (however simple their economy may be) can be contemplated?

At the dawn of capitalism in Great Britain, year after year thousands of men,
women and children were driven off the land, forced to cross the sea to the new
land of the West, never any more to see or cultivate the land they loved so
dearly.

Is this picture to be repeated in Palestine?

Can the people of Britain tolerate such a terrible injustice, which can only be
perpetrated by the prodigal use of armed might? For certainly the Arab people
will never tolerate it. They will fight with every means against this robbery,
against the attempted "rape" of their land, against the attempt to turn it into
a "Clapham Junction of the air" for British imperialism -- and they will be
right to fight.

But what of the Jews throughout the world? What have they to say to this
criminal attempt forcibly to tear a country to pieces and drive its peoples off
the land? Are they still under any illusions about the politics of Zionism or
are they beginning to understand that the reactionary leaders of this movement
are actually betraying the Jewish people?

My own Jewish comrades have always been clear on the reactionary role of
Zionism, but thousands of splendid young Jewish men and women have come under
the influence of the Zionist leaders and have been led to believe that Zionism
was the way of release from the persecutions that have made life a continuous
hell of torture for so many Jews.

But when the Zionists lead them into the camp of British imperialism, when they
identify their interests in Palestine with the interests of Britain and against
the Arab people, then the question arises: Is this policy calculated to bring
relief to the Jewish people who are enduring so much in Germany and Poland?
Will it make their lot easier or more difficult? Obviously the latter will be
the case.

Have the young men and women in the Zionist movement ever discussed the meaning
of the project that Palestine should be given to the Jews and should become "a
dominion of the British Empire"? Ivor Montagu, one of our very best Jewish
comrades, effectively exposes and disposes of the Zionist Congress in the Daily
Worker of August 14. Here is what he says:

"The Zionist Congress in Zurich must make all Jews, proud of their people, blush
with shame.

"They will assert their rights to Palestine. They will obtain their rights.
From whom? The British government.

"The British government, to whom Palestine does not belong, is called on to keep
its promise, which it had no right to make, by forcing the inhabitants, to whom
the country does belong, to give it to the Zionists.

"The Zionists are modern; go-ahead, destiny is on their side; Arabs are
backward, lazy, barbaric, and will be benefited by the invaders. The Zionists
claiming Palestine speak with the accents of Mussolini claiming and empire, or
Hitler, or Japan in China. . . .

""Realists among the Zionists are aware, and say frankly, that their one card is
to play good little combination excuse-policeman for the British Empire. They
are not realist enough to reflect on what happened to the Assyrian, who did the
same thing, when the British Empire had no more use for him.

"Jews who were not Jewish Nazis would know their only 'right' in Palestine is
such that they can negotiate with liberated Arabs and share in equal and
non-exclusive citizenship there with all inhabitants, not discriminating."

Ivor Montagu is right. The only "right" of the Jews in Palestine is to
cooperate with the Arabs in the building up of a prosperous Arab state. If
only they will understand this and act accordingly how much better it will be,
not only for them, but for the Jewish population throughout the world.

For all of us must participate in the struggle to secure for Jewish men and
women in the land of their birth or adoption equal rights to citizenship as any
other citizens. This must apply in Germany, in Poland and in all other
countries. Only in the land of triumphant socialism, the U.S.S.R, has an end
been put both to all kinds of national oppression and to anti-Semitism. The
U.S.S.R. represents a real fraternal alliance of the peoples. The Jews
throughout the world have made a civilization of which they can be rightly
proud. Cooperation of the Gentiles with the Jews must take the place of the
criminal anti-Semitism that is being so vigorously fostered in certain European
countries at the present time.

But the struggle to establish the rights of the Jews in Germany, Poland and
elsewhere cannot be aided if the Jews allow themselves to be used by the British
imperialists for the purpose of depriving the Arabs of their rights. On the
contrary the greatest possible injury will thereby be inflicted on the Jewish
cause.

Therefore, I appeal to all Jewish men and women, as one long associated with
them in the fight against persecutions and slander, to give no support to the
attempt that is being made to carve up Palestine. Palestine is the country of
the Arabs. An independent Arab state guaranteeing full and equal citizenship
to Jewish men and women will do a thousand times more for the Jews throughout
the world than any alliance with British imperialism can ever do.

In unity with the Arabs, establishing a strong democratic legislative assembly,
building up the economic life of the country, and in this the Jews can give an
extraordinary contribution, developing its culture and general well-being -- in
this way Palestine can become a prosperous and happy country and the unity
established there can be the forerunner of a greater unity throughout the world.

No partition of Palestine, but Palestine as an independent Arab state, for this
all honest Jews and all lovers of freedom, man and woman, must fight.

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) said it will terminate its secret prison network and “decommission” all of its overseas prison sites

CIA terminates secret prisons but rejects prosecutions
April 12, 2009
By JOSEPH FITSANAKIS | intelNews.org |


In a statement issued on Thursday morning, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) said it will terminate its secret prison network and would “decommission” all of its overseas prison sites. The news was undoubtedly welcomed by many intelligence professionals who took issue with the use of techniques that President Barack Obama has described as “torture [that] betrayed American values, alienated allies and became a recruiting tool for al Qaeda”. Speaking to The New York Times, the director of Human Rights Watch’s Terrorism and Counterterrorism Program, Joanne Mariner, said the news was “incredibly heartening and important”. But she called for initiating criminal investigations against those at the CIA who implemented the institutionalization of torture. This is highly unlikely, however. In an email to CIA staff, the Agency’s new Director, Leon E. Panetta, repeated last week the standard CIA position that those responsible for implementing and carrying out torture during the Bush Administration “should not be investigated, let alone punished”. IntelNews has been reporting since January 15, 2009, that the Obama administration has no intention to punish CIA officers involved in torturing terrorism detainees, some of whom have been found to have committed murder.

Speaking before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Panetta said last February that CIA officers “ought not to be prosecuted or investigated if they acted pursuant to the law as presented by the attorney general” at the time. That this interpretation is shared by the President was publicly confirmed by no other than departing CIA Director, Michael V. Hayden. Speaking to journalists about his then-imminent departure from the Agency, Hayden made sure to let them know that Mr. Obama privately assured him “he has no plans to launch a legal inquiry” into the CIA’s use of torture in the “war on terrorism”.

Behind Israel’s Attack on Gaza. By Joseph Fitsanakis

By Joseph Fitsanakis | intelNews | 12.29.2008

IN CONTRAST TO THE VAGUE international protestations by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, about Israel’s “right to self-defense”, the domestic Israeli press has been extremely candid about the reasons behind Israel’s ongoing attack on the Gazan population. On Sunday, the country’s most respected newspaper, Ha’aretz, published a detailed account of what it described as the Israeli government’s “[l]ong-term preparation, careful gathering of information, secret discussions, operational deception and the misleading of the public” which lie behind the latest onslaught against the imprisoned Palestinian population.

The paper correctly dismisses the official Israeli propaganda that puts the blame on militant Palestinian group Hamas for the end of the June 2008 truce. Instead, it points to the well-known illegal incursion into Gaza by a sizeable Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) team, which unilaterally broke the truce on November 4, reportedly to take out a “strip tunnel intended for terror attack”. No proof was ever offered for this allegation, either domestically or internationally. The Israeli press has long recognized that it was after this unilateral breaking of the ceasefire by the IDF that “[t]he fragile five-month truce began to unravel”. On November 13, Ha’aretz noted that it was in response to this action that Hamas forces resumed their rocket fire against Israeli settlements.

A RELUCTANT TRUCE

Back in June of 2008, Israel agreed to sign the truce with Hamas, mediated by Egypt, but only after pressure by the United States and with what was described at the time as “extreme reluctance”. Reporting from Jerusalem, an Agence France Presse correspondent cautioned on June 12 that while Israel had finally accepted “Egyptian efforts to broker a truce with Hamas in and around Gaza [...] at the same time [it] ordered its armed forces to prepare for a possible offensive against the Palestinian territory”. He went on to describe how, even as Israel was signing the truce, its military was killing Palestinian civilians, one of whom was “a 10-year-old girl, Hadeel al-Smeiri[, who] died when a tank shell hit a house east of the south Gaza city of Khan Yunis. Two of her relatives were wounded”. Little more than a month later, Israel decided to unilaterally begin constructing new homes in an illegal West Bank settlement “despite a pledge to the US to stop building on the site”, as the world’s press noted at the time. Writing for The Guardian, British correspondent Mark Tran warned that the construction approval was “bound to anger the Palestinians and irritate the US, which has called on Israel to halt construction in the settlements as part of the American ‘road map’ for peace in the Middle East”. Even US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, usually among Israel’s most fervent international advocates, stated in June that illegal “Jewish settlement building was having a ‘negative effect’ on efforts to reach a peace deal”.

CONSTANT PROVOCATIONS

Adding insult to injury, in early December, the Israeli government turned a blind eye to the mass victimization of an entire Palestinian community by fanatical Jewish settlers in the West Bank. The BBC reported that, after being evicted by Israeli troops from an illegal building, the settlers “shot and wounded three Palestinians and set fire to property”. Commenting on the scenes of carnage, captured on video by an Israeli human rights group, outgoing Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert aptly stated: “As a Jew, I was ashamed at the scenes of Jews opening fire at innocent Arabs in Hebron. There is no other definition than the term ‘pogrom’ to describe what I have seen”.

In addition to tacitly permitted pogroms by “enraged citizens” against innocent Arabs, the “Middle East’s only functional democracy” (pdf) has implemented another democratic measure against Arabs –namely it forbids, as a matter of policy, all journalists from entering Gaza. The few brave reporters who are caught trying to report on the miserable living conditions of the enslaved Palestinian population are arrested by the IDF and summarily expelled. In early December, Israel even detained and expelled the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Palestinian Territories, Dr. Richard Falk. Falk, who is Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University and the author of over fifty books on international law and human rights, was summarily arrested by the Israeli security services, placed in a detention facility in which he was “barely able to stand” and underwent what he described as “a very coercive” and “unpleasant” experience. The reason for his arrest was his earlier description of the Israeli blockade of the Gaza strip as a “flagrant and massive violation of international humanitarian law” and a “crime against humanity”. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, described the treatment of Dr. Falk as “unprecedented and deeply regrettable”, but her protestations have failed to stir the “Middle East’s only functional democracy”.

A PREMEDITATED ATTACK

The recent Ha’aretz revelations point to the true cause of Israel’s constant and deliberate provocations, outlined above. The paper cites “sources in [Israel's] defense establishment” in disclosing that the IDF was instructed by Israel’s Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, to prepare for an attack on Gaza “six months ago, even as Israel was beginning to negotiate a ceasefire agreement with Hamas”. The rockets launched by the Palestinian group, in response to the November 4 unilateral breaking of the truce by the IDF, gave the Israelis the opportunity they required to put Operation Cast Lead into action. By accelerating the provocations, as well as employing what Ha’aretz describes as “operational deception and the misleading of the public”, the Israeli government was able to turn a once promising truce into another barrage of tit-for-tat violence.

On day three of the Israeli attacks, the UN is already estimating the civilian toll in Gaza to 64 dead and hundreds seriously injured, while the International Red Cross “describ[es] the situation in Gaza’s hospitals as chaotic, with medical teams stretched to the limit”. Meanwhile, Israeli military forces continue to prevent journalists and medical supplies from entering Gaza, which the IDF now calls a “closed military zone”.

THE PROBLEM WITH DEMOCRACY

Late on December 29, Israel’s Deputy Prime Minister, Haim Ramon, disclosed for the first time that the operational goal of Operation Cast Lead is “regime change” in Gaza. “We will stop firing immediately if someone takes the responsibility of this government, anyone but Hamas. We are favorable to any other government to take the place of Hamas”, he said. The fact that Hamas was democratically elected by the Palestinian population in a territory-wide poll which the head of the European Parliament’s electoral monitoring delegation described as “extremely professional, in line with international standards, free, transparent and without violence”, is dismissed without discussion.

This is apparently what happens when the crusade to spread democracy to the uncivilized stumbles upon the ultimate barrier –namely the democratic election by the uncivilized of a leadership that the democracy-crusaders dislike.
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